The Spirit of Development: Protestant NGOs, Morality, and Economics in Zimbabwe.Erica Bornstein.Stanford, CA: Stanford U Press, 2005.
By Karri DeSelm, MBA Graduate Student
Recent scholarly research has focused on a separation between the domains of the economy and religion in development.Yet in many developing countries such domains do not exist as separate entities within culture.Ethnographer Erica Bornstein recognizes this contradiction and focuses her research on the role and relationship religion, both protestant and traditional, have in economic development conducted by NGOs.Through her study she analyzes the roles between protestant NGOs (referred to as simply "NGOs" throughout the following paper) and the communities they are attempting to serve in general, focusing on the work of World Vision International (WV) and Christian Care (CC) in Zimbabwe specifically.Bornstein explains that her work is "an attempt to re-investigate a space where religious and economic ideals merge" (p. 5).
During her anthropological research, Bornstein establishes four frames which she then employs throughout text.The first frame offers a historical and philosophical background on the establishment and work of both WV and CC internationally.The following three frames look at the "moral politics of development" from a transnational, national, and local perspective.She moves her research through the international offices of the NGOs down to the national office in Harare, Zimbabwe, and finally to the people in the rural project sites in which the NGOs work.The author notes that her field research was conducted prior to the violence that exploded in Zimbabwe in 2000.Finally, there is a distinct lens through which the author viewed her work and interviewees.Bornstein discloses that she is a secular Jew and approached this project with a large amount of skepticism, believing that the work of evangelists and their non-profits is largely coercive.While the voice of her writing maintains this critical and skeptic tone, Bornstein says that her research greatly altered her perspective and left her with a significant amount of respect for those motivated by personal beliefs to work in the area of economic development.
The ethnography begins with an explanation of the context in which protestant NGOs came to work in Zimbabwe.The World Bank and IMF were in the process of establishing structural development programs in Zimbabwe in the 90's, ordering the state to "shrink," thereby limiting the resources the state could use for development and infrastructure.It is at this point that NGOs stepped in to fill the gap in need, welcomed by the state.
During interviews with WV and CC employees the worldview that informs their development work was explained.The world is divided into two realms: evangelized/developed and unevangelized/undeveloped.Efforts to address both results in a process called "holistic development."This holistic model expressed through lifestyle evangelism is what is used to bridge the gap between spiritual and material, though as noted by Bornstein, this gap does not generally exist within the worldview of Zimbabwean communities.Bornstein's outside perspective on Christianity is visible in her interpretation of explanations and ideas presented by WV and CC employees.She explains that WV and CC sought to "save people from poverty," and yet the working model developed by WV Director Bryant Myers continually points out that Christians are to be aware that only God can "save."Again Bornstein summarizes an interview, stating "development was thus a form of salvation," again emphasizing her interpretation that employees maintain a slightly messianic perspective of themselves in relation to those they serve, a possible misinterpretation of the intended meaning (p. 51).She does note that, in general, faith based NGOs are generally more accepting and respective of the traditional religious beliefs of a community, making great efforts to not disrupt sacred land or traditions.
Two major results of development work by WV and CC were the empowerment of women and an increased unity among existing churches.However, this solidarity and collective empowerment, influenced by faith in one God, was contrasted to the function of faith in the office."In the office settings, faith became a moral standard by which employees judged each other" (p. 58).While a large number of employees embraced the daily devotions and high standards of personal faith, others criticized its use, noting it was an obligation rather than a choice.Bornstein also found a common thread among the language used by interviewees pointing to faith as having the power to "transform" others into Christians, thereby linking faith to access to power.Overall, interviews in the office revealed faith had a contradictory role that could not be singularly categorized, acting as a motivator and disciplinary force, both transformative, controlling and unifying.
While in the WV office, Bornstein focused part of her research on the child sponsorship project, which is the largest funding component of World Vision's work.More than once she was able to observe sponsors that showed up with great hope to meet their sponsored child, only to be disappointed when WV employees were unable to locate the child.This pointed to the intense logistical support needed to maintain an individual child sponsorship program that is meant to induce direct personal relationships.When asked why WV maintains such an overhead heavy program, the response given explained that the project literally represented the personal intimate relationship Christians can have with Jesus, and therefore was vital to the mission.From Bornstein's vantage point she found an ironic contradiction."The personal relationships of child sponsorship built through correspondence, existed alongside the impersonality of the monetary exchange of child sponsorship" (p. 73).She was able to interview a man who had been sponsored as a child and found that in fact he had felt as though he were a part of another family, accepted, and had also experienced great loss when the sponsorship ended.In other interviews and through observed conversations between families with sponsored children and WV staff, it became clear that sponsorship may also have the negative impact of disrupting existing family relationship, dividing communities and even creating a sense of inferiority among parents that felt undermined by the provisions their children received from sponsors.Bornstein summarized by framing the program of child sponsorship as a "double edged sword," which can have both a negative and positive impact on children, families, and communities.
Analysis is then shifted to what the author refers to as the "politics of transcendence."Because of the restructuring programs of the 90's initiated by the IMF and World Bank, and the influence of neoliberal economics, which made efforts to decentralize state power in part by funneling funds through NGOs rather than the state for development work, the state became largely dependant on NGO's work at a grassroots level.Bornstein evaluates the contradiction between NGOs' continual use of neutral language of "the Kingdom of God" and the "market" which is intended to transcend politics.She finds this discourse projecting a false reality, assessing that the work of NGOs is intrinsically tied to relations with the state.She also uncovered that, in fact, WV and CC staff are indeed extremely political in their personal views.They speak of working closely with local authorities and depend on permission from state officials to operate.Bornstein is also highly critical of what she refers to as the discourse of the Kingdom of God."The Kingdom of God discourse, however, was riddled with contradictions.For instance, its monarchical model and sovereign authority stood in direct contrast to WV's democratic structure of a network of 'partners' and its mission of 'community based development'" (p. 107).She views the placement of God as the leader of the Kingdom as a simplified "out" used to supposedly transcend politics.While Bornstein's perspective is valid, it is a shallow interpretation lacking a depth of understanding of the uniqueness and contrast to worldly hierarchy embodied in the Kingdom of God.Her analysis of the actual relationship between NGOs and the state, though, is perceptive.She writes that by meeting the needs of the poor and compensating for the state's deficit in development the status quo is maintained.Because the needs of the people are being met in small ways, NGOs unknowingly pacify the people, reducing the possibility of a rebellion against the state.This relationship is known by the government and reinforces their desire for NGOs.
Again Bornstein shifts her focus and looks towards the model employed by WV and CC in field development work.The model is termed Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and emphasizes the theme that she calls "participation as a religious act."The central focus of the PRA model is to bring about development from "within" rather than imposing projected needs from "without."This is seen as the key to introducing sustainable development.Through her research into the model delivered in interviews with WV and CC Zimbabwean staff, Bornstein identifies weak links and unfounded assumptions in the model.First, she notes that there is a presumption that a unified community that has one worldview and perspective on needs already exists.It is in this "unified community" that the methods of PRA can be employed to extract ideas from "within."Though this is a fundamental presumption on which the PRA is based, she also found that there is a contradictory sentiment that also claims that development work is intended to unify and bring together communities.It would seem that community coherence would need to first exist in order for the community to express its needs, in order to begin development work, which results in unifying communitiesthat were already unified.She also finds that the PRA process cannot claim to discover the unknown when in fact expectations already exist. Bornstein quotes the explanation of this contradiction made by author Rahnema. "When A considers it essential for B to be empowered, A assumes not only that B has no power – or does not have the right kind of power – but also that A has the secret formula of a power to which B has to be initiated (Rahnema 1992: 123).
NGO staff also had criticism of the PRA model, explaining that quantitative information collected from community exercises was categorized as community needs versus what the NGO could provide.Understandably NGOs could not feasibly meet all the needs of the community.However research in the communities continually revealed that community members were well versed in presenting their "needs" to NGOs, viewing the organization as the answer to their needs rather than introducing ideas of self-reliance and development from within.The creation of dependency was a continual obstacle that NGOs faced in their fieldwork.Yet Bornstein again seems to make uninformed or intentionally simplified statements stripping sincere conversations regarding the challenges faced by staff from their context.During an explanation given by one staff member on the challenge of meeting resistance to change, Bornstein summarizes with the statement that "Community development, if successful, fractured 'the community' whose unity was presupposed."At this point her attempt at objectivity dissolves into a tone of cynicism and defeatism.
The book finishes its analysis by shifting perspectives to on-the-ground fieldwork in communities and the role traditional forms of witchcraft and jealously play and intertwine in Christian based development.The chapter begins with an elaborate story told by a young Zimbabwean man who was appointed by the community to work with the local WV project.He has been attacked by a chikwambo, or evil entity described in animal terms, which left him in the state of a stroke, without speech.Though a Christian, he goes to a n'anga, or traditional healer, who explains the attack to the young man as brought about by jealousy in the community, and then "heals" the man.The young Christian attributes the ability of the n'anga to heal him to the Christian God he follows, seeing no discrepancy between the two.WV staff have other opinions, but overall the story offers an illustration of challenges and complex other worldviews within the community, even in the context of Christianity.Through this Bornstein brings to light a more significant challenge than witchcraft alone – community jealousy.However, Bornstein's more unbiased presentation of the foundations of "jealousy" is appreciated.While first understood as a community's negative pressure on any individual that is able to better him or herself, she also addresses the deeper foundations of such jealousy."What is most important in this analysis is the socially relational nature of evil: it results from someone's lack in relation to another's plenty."Outside of the context of jealousy and witchcraft, this statement would almost appear biblical, reflecting the Kingdom of God emphasis on meeting the needs of others.Still, the expression of the attempt to maintain equity should not be sacrilized as its expression arouses fear and suspicions and acts to keep the status quo of underdevelopment.The introduction of Christian faith through the development work was revealed by Bornstein to have a transformative effect on many who accepted the Christian God and understood that this God was much more powerful than the entities sent to attack people out of jealousy.However, this research also revealed that NGOs must not act in ignorance of the consequences that community development may cause when it creates inequity.Through her analysis of this contradiction, Bornstein again reduces and simplifies the problem and places exclusive blame on Christianity without substantial comparison to the same work conducted by secular NGOs."Christian development, in its attempt to eradicate the evil of poverty, stirred up volatile, unpredictable dynamics of power and these dynamics were articulated in the 'invisible' world of spirits" (p. 152).Though this criticism should not be directly exclusively to Christian NGOs, it is also not invalid and must be taken under great consideration, forcing all NGOs to proceed with caution in any area of development work.
In her conclusion Bornstein objectively addressed the contradictions she noted throughout her research."By provoking and combating jealousies, and encouraging discourses of individualism and community, employees of Protestant NGOs assumed the dual capacity to invite and to mend injustices" (p. 169).She summarizes her research by returning to her motivation for the project, which she found was in harmony with the motivations and practices of Protestant NGOs.Both view development work through a paradigm that unites discourses of religion (faith), economics, and development, offering unique space to address the co-existing realms of good, evil, morality, witchcraft and jealousy.
For the Christian reader, Bornstein's' ethnography offers a challenging "outside" perspective to the sector of transformational development framed within a generalized Christian worldview.As she moves her research from top to bottom on the hierarchic levels of transnational Protestant NGOs she exposes contradictions and consequences of development work, both positive and negative, with most existing outside either subjective category.Due to her lack of exposure to Christian vernacular and biblical lenses, she reminds readers of how actions can appear to outsiders, a footnote to the continual need for humility and grace, and a constant evaluation of motives within any Christian organization.Yet through her limited knowledge and exposure to complex concepts within a Christian's understanding of the "hierarchy" of the world and the Kingdom of God (where the last will be first), Bornstein at times misinterprets and misconstrues interviewees' statements, while at other times oversimplifies explanations given to a question and injects a tone of cynicism that disrupts attempts to remain nominally unbiased.While parts of the narrative can grow tedious, the presented perspective on development gleaned from her experience and interviews offers a jolt to less subversive faith-based literature on economic development, challenging generally accepted assumptions and reframing development in a way that forces the reader to re-evaluate her own perceptions and methodology.Engaging with this text would be beneficial to both the field staff member who has spent half a lifetime in the field, as well as the eager ideological student preparing for work in the development field abroad.